Female-bodied Nadle: Past and Present

Brief Comment on Language Choice

Among the Diné (Navajo), there is a saying that "sacred begins at the tip of your tongue. Be careful when speaking. You create the world around you with your words." (Thomas, 1997) This is because, in their traditional belief system, society is viewed as an extension of nature, and certain words are not supposed to be uttered outside of the appropriate context. Unfortunately, some of their sacred terms were divulged and published in academic papers. House (1997) expresses outrage towards Epple (1997, 1998) for sharing information about a sacred term that is abbreviated as "SNBH", writing, "Using words for this sacred entity should not be heard or seen in an analytical academic context...It is disrespectful, especially without an offering..." Hill (1935) can also be criticized for pressuring his informant to share such information. 

This also applies to the word that is spelled similar to "nadle". For the purposes of this discussion, I have attempted to censor the word by employing this less accurate spelling. Henceforth, "the word that is spelling similar to nadle" will simply be abbreviated as "nadle". This is probably overkill, as this word is used frequently and its meaning has evolved, but is my attempt to respect those who consider it to be a sacred word. My usage of "nadle" is only meant to be read as a "label", as described by Thomas (1997) under the section that describes The Traditional ("True") Nadle. 

Wesley Thomas's "Five Genders"

In "Navajo cultural constructions of gender and sexuality", Wesley (1997) writes that "Multiple genders were part of the norm in the Navajo culture before the 1890s", and that "The older Navajo people recognized five traditional gender categories". 

1. Women
2. Men
3. "True" Nadle 
4. Masculine-Female
5. Feminine-Male

The last three categories are all considered to be nadle, but only one is considered to be "true" nadle. Masculine-Female and Feminine-Male are sometimes referred to as "male-bodied nadle" and "female-bodied nadle" respectively. 

Rather than viewing these as discrete categories, it is better to think of each "gender" as a unique combination of maleness and femaleness. Epple (1997) interviewed several male-bodied nadle, finding that her informants only recognized two genders. One of her interviewees plainly stated: "There are two—male and female—no others."

Quotes from Epple's (1997) other informants: 

"Where is there anything that is not both male and female? Everything is two, so how can you have this as a third? You don't have man, woman, and another."

"If I draw a line with male at one end and female at another, is there any such person right in the center? No there couldn't be. You can't both have a breast and not have a breast. Even if one side of the body only had a breast, then you still have a breast. So to have both [sexes' complete anatomical features] that just won't be. There has never been one right here at the very center—there can't be."

The existence of male-bodied "pretend" nadle is well-established in the historical record. While it is possible that "female-bodied nadle" existed, the evidence to support their existence is much more scant.

The Traditional ("True") Nadle

Thomas (1997) outlines the following continuum of Diné culture, which includes five stages:

1. Traditionalist: Lives on the reservation, usually at his/her mother's residence. Usually involved in religious activities and traditional division of labor. Strongest knowledge of their language (Diné bizaad). Most in-touch with Diné traditions. 
2. Transitionalist: Lives on or off the reservation, but still maintains strong family ties. Retains many traditional religious beliefs but is not as involved with culture or religious activities as the traditionalist. Usually has more exposure to Western culture and Western education.
3. Contemporary: Some or little knowledge of Diné traditions, culture, religious beliefs, and social/occupational activities. Some or little contact with reservation life, generally returns to reservation only for very short visits. Some, but deteriorating, knowledge of Diné bizaad.
4. Acculturated: Generally live away from the reservation for several generations. Many are born to interracial and intertribal families. Little or no knowledge of Diné bizaad. Aware of tribal heritage, but very few are on the reservation.
5. Assimilated: Live off the reservation. Often born to interracial or intertribal families. Unaware of tribal heritage and does not acknowledge it. Least in-touch with Diné traditions.

The traditional nadle were intersex people with ambiguous genitalia. 

"Before the invention of sex reassignment surgery and its habitual use throughout the United States for infants born with ambiguous genitalia, a "true" [nadle] was a hermaphrodite, a genitally androgynous person, recognized with a third gender category of sexed persons whose social behavior and social roles mixed expectations for both female-bodied and male-bodied persons. Other [nadle] ("those who pretend to be 'true') were and still are recognized in traditional Navajo communities" (Thomas, 1997)

In the past, the "true" nadle could have been individuals with Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia, Partial Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome, or 5-alpha Reductase Deficiency (guevedoces). However, the word nadle means more than "intersex", as it describes a sacred role: "those who hold in balance the male and female, female and male aspects of themselves and the universe" (House, 1997). To Diné traditionalists, nadle is considered "a very sacred word that can't just be talked about" (Epple, 1997). 

In Diné spirituality, male and female are considered "inseparable and distinct." Epple (1997) provides the following quotes from her informants:

"We all possess both masculine and feminine characteristics in our body. For example, in a tragic situation, being a man, the female characteristics are elicited. The same is true for the woman. Some situation happens and it elicits the male, and she acts like a man. For that reason, because you need both, you have male and female characteristics."

"Even the organs are male and female, inseparable and distinct. At the tip of the penis is a little vagina, while on the vulva is a little penis. That is how it is said in Navajo. So you see both penis and vagina, but only one functions [on a nonhermaphrodite]. It is like that in the hermaphrodite  too—you see both but only one functions."

The above mention of "hermaphrodite" is likely a reference to "true" nadle. Rather than describing them as a "third gender", nadle are those characterized by a "distinctive expression of the male and female ordering of the universe."

"The majority of traditional Navajo families almost never speak the word [nadle] because of an appreciation for the power inherent in speech and careful usage of the word in appropriate context and by appropriate individuals." (Thomas, 1997)

"When [nadle] is used outside this defined space, it is considered a label and similar to other Navajo or English words." (Thomas, 1997)

"Those Who Pretend to Be" Nadle

Hill (1935) distinguished between "real nadle" and "those who pretend to be nadle": 

"The Navaho term for both hermaphrodite and transvestite is nadle...However, they distinguish between the two and between male and female transvestites. The hermaphrodites were called "the real nadle." "You can tell them when they are born." The transvestites were called "those who pretend to be nadle." "A boy may act like a girl until he is eighteen or twenty-five; then he may turn into a man or he may not. Girls do the same thing." Male and female transvestites were about equal in number. Culturally the status of both hermaphrodite and transvestite is the same..."

One of Epple's (1997) informants also described "those who pretend to be nadle": "The story of [nadle] rests on if that person has the sex [organs] of both. In real life, though, it's any person who has opposite behavior traits, and this response is based on actual [nadle]. People's approach to them is usually a generalizing that's going on."

Male-Bodied "Pretend" Nadle

Thomas (1997) describes how "From the Navajo view, until the turn of the century males who demonstrated characteristics of the opposite gender were known to fulfill their roles as [nadle]..."

Thomas (1997) provides a rather rigid description of these male-bodied "pretend" nadle (Feminine-Males), wherein their traits are defined like so:

• Sexual object choice: Men
• Demeanor: Feminine
• Dress: Female
• Occupation: Weaver [Same as Women]
• Gender/Sex Category: Male Body

Thomas (1997) defines the following Relationship Options for the Feminine-Male gender:

• With Woman: Allowed, but Rare
• With Man: Allowed, Considered Heterosexual
• With Masculine-Female: Allowed, but Rare
• With Feminine-Male: Inconceivable

"The traditionalist is frequently involved in religious activities and is a medicine woman, a medicine man, herbalist, or diagnostician. As far as sexual identification is concerned, the traditional [nadle] is a heterosexual in Navajo terms. [Nadle] do not have sex with one another. Male-bodied [nadle] do have sexual relationships with men, but these relationships are not considered "homosexual" relationships by the [nadle] themselves, their partners, or the traditional Navajo society in general..."

"A transitionalist is, however, less likely than a traditionalist to become deeply involved in religious activities. Like traditionalists, male transitionalist [nadle] have sexual relationships with men, and these relationships are generally classified as heterosexual unless the transitionalist is a self-identified gay male rather than a male-bodied [nadle] or feminine male."

According to Thomas (1997), feminine boys were identified from a young age and guided into becoming nadle: "children who showed a keen interest in work tools and activities associated with the gender opposite their sex often were encouraged to develop skills in the occupational domains of their interest." The association between homosexuality and childhood gender nonconformity explains why the male-bodied "pretend" nadle are usually androphilic. That is not to say that nadle define their identity by their sexuality. To the contrary, their identity is traditionally defined by their "social role and/or occupational preference" (Thomas, 1997).

One of Epple's (1997) interviewee described sexual attraction to women:

"Well, like in my case, I am different from a straight male, a heterosexual male, and from a homosexual male. [Later in the interview] I am a complete woman, just without the vagina. [And later yet] I'd rather have a woman [as a sexual partner] than a queen. I mean I do have some kind of maleness."

Another interviewee described having a Male Demeanor:

"A queen is identified with a female. But I don't consider myself a girl. I'm a man and am attracted to men."

Epple's (1997) nadle interviewees (all of whom were male-abodied) seem to have mostly been "transitionalists", with many using the terms "gay" or "queen" to refer to themselves and other nadle. These interviews underscores why it is important not to equate Diné gender diversity with gay identity, although there is overlap between these categories. 

Hill (1935) and Thomas (1997) describe how nadle ("true" and "pretend") were both held in high regard, associated with good luck and riches. "You must respect a nadle. They are, somehow, sacred and holy." (Hill, 1935)

Female-Bodied "Pretend" Nadle

Although Hill (1935) mentions female transvestites, little information is provided about them, nor are they his interview subjects. He writes: 

"The Navaho term for both hermaphrodite and transvestite is nadle...However, they distinguish between the two and between male and female transvestites. The hermaphrodites were called "the real nadle." "You can tell them when they are born." The transvestites were called "those who pretend to be nadle." "A boy may act like a girl until he is eighteen or twenty-five; then he may turn into a man or he may not. Girls do the same thing." Male and female transvestites were about equal in number. Culturally the status of both hermaphrodite and transvestite is the same..."

"Hermaphrodites are said not to marry. Transvestites are known to marry both people of the same and opposite sexes. When they marry, they take the garb of a man and do a man's work. "If they marry men, it is just like two men working together." There is one account of a divorce between a female transvestite and a normal person, and one was known to have borne a child. Transvestites had sex relations both normally and unnaturally with both sexes. Hermaphrodites appear to have sex relations only with men. Sodomy with a nadle is countenanced by the culture and the insanity believed to follow such an act with a normal person does not occur if the relation is with a nadle..."

In contrast with Hill (1935), Thomas (1997) writes, "The meaning of the word [nadle] has changed, too...Moreover, [nadle] is the gender marker for male-bodied individuals, although it has been misapplied to those who are female-bodied."

Thomas (1997) describes the Masculine-Female gender like so: 

"The fourth category is one I hesitantly associated [nadle] concept and call masculine female. Masculine females are individuals who do not fit into the first two gender categories. Within the Navajo culture, masculine females are distinct from other female-bodied people because they are not involved in reproduction and their priorities are different from primary gender people (women). Even today, masculine females fill some occupational roles usually associated with the male gender, such as construction worker, firefighter, and auto mechanic, even though such occupations may also be taken up by women who are not of the masculine-female gender."

"Historically, female-bodied [nadle]/masculine females had specific Navajo ceremonial roles that have disappeared through time. A few of the Navajo elderly medicine people I talked with alluded to these functions but refused to elaborate on them. Knowledge of ceremonial roles is not to be divulged to persons who are not Navajo medicine people. The masculine-female gender, however, necessitates a separate, addtiional gender category within Navajo society and culture because they are defined differently in Navajo discourse."

Thomas (1997) goes on to provide a rather rigid description of the Masculine-Female gender, wherein their traits are defined like so:

• Sexual object choice: Women
• Demeanor: Masculine
• Dress: Male
• Occupation: Hunter [Same as Men]
• Gender/Sex Category: Female Body

Thomas (1997) also defines the following Relationship Options for the Masculine-Female gender:

• With Woman: Allowed, Considered Heterosexual
• With Man: Allowed, but Rare
• With Masculine-Female: Inconceivable
• With Feminine-Male: Allowed, but Rare

Is Thomas's (1997) Description Accurate?

The most questionable part of Thomas's description is where he describes the "Sexual object choice" of the "Masculine-Female" gender as "Women". Although he mentions that relations with men were "Allowed, but Rare", his description implies that they generally had a sexual preference for women. This is contrasted with Hill's (1935) description, which makes no mention of a sexual preference for women. 

This raises the following question: Where did Thomas get his information from?

As Thomas (1997) admits, information about the Masculine-Female Gender "disappeared through time", where the elders "alluded" to their role, "but refused to elaborate on them". It is noteworthy that every trait of the Masculine-Female Gender is simply the reverse-trait of the Feminine-Male Gender. Is there a body of evidence to support Thomas's (1997) description of the Masculine-Female Gender, or was it concocted from taking the reverse-description of Feminine-Males?

There is a certain fallacy that is often committed in the study of Native American Gender Systems. Researchers hastily assume "if X was true for males, the reverse was probably true for females", even when there is no evidence to support this conclusion. Sometimes, researchers do this with noble, but misguided intentions. For example, it has been falsely claimed that the word koshkalaka means "lesbian" among the Lakota. Beatrice Medicine (1997) waited over a decade to correct the record, out of fear she would be accused of "lesbian-bashing". As such, it is unclear whether Thomas's (1997) description (Sexual Object Choice, Occupation, Relationships, etc.) is accurate.

Given what is known about the male-bodied "pretend" nadle, it is plausible that their female-bodied counterparts were those who showed strong masculine tendencies as children. It is an even greater mistake to equate the Masculine-Female gender with homosexuality. In the female sex, an association between homosexuality and childhood gender nonconformity exists, but the effect is weaker than in males. While the most masculine children are more likely to be gynephilic, it is not uncommon for androphilic females to be tomboys in childhood (Xu et al., 2021). For this reason, the Masculine-Female gender was probably not restricted to those with a sexual preference for women, and should be understood through the framework of gender instead of sexual orientation. This would explain why they were said to have sex relations with men and women alike, although there appears to have been elevated rates of same-sex sexual behavior in this group. The Diné allowed them to foster their masculine traits into adulthood, just as they allowed the Feminine-Male gender to foster their feminine traits. 

Masculine-Females: Dilbaa' or Nadle?

According to Thomas (1997):

"The meaning of the word [nadle] has changed, too...Moreover, [nadle] is the gender marker for male-bodied individuals, although it has been misapplied to those who are female-bodied. [Nadle] _____baa' is the proper term for them; a given family name is inserted between the words (Young and Morgan 1951:431-33). Another name for female-bodied [nadle] was dilbaa' (warrior girl) (Young and Morgan 1992:45, 976)."

"Further research is needed to clarify and justify adding another gender category, particularly applied to female-bodied [nadle] ([nadle] _____baa', dilbaa'). The women's name, baa', does not belong in this category but is applied to the female gender. With the addition of [nadle] (prefix) and baa' (suffix) or dilbaa', the traditional Navajo gender categories increase to six."

Although Thomas (1997) writes that "Another name for female-bodied [nadle] was dilbaa'" he later contradicts himself in writing:

"Baa is defined as "warrior girl" in Young and Morgan (1951: 431; 1967:20). Baa was and is still used as a girl's or woman's name. It has no relation with female-bodied [nadle] or masculine-female gender. Through my conversations with elderly Navajo women and Navajo linguistic analysis of the word baa, one can see that it refers to the masculine characteristic of a woman or girl. It pronounces the male aspect of a woman. It was an additional role for females (Hill 1936). The dichotomization of male/female within Navajo personhood was researched by Maureen Trudelle Schwarz for her ph.D. dissertation in antrhopology at University of Washington in Seattle (1997)."

It appears that dilbaa' is a "sixth" sex role, to describe "warrior women" who defied the traditional roles prescribed to women, but are not to be confused with nadle. Once more, it is unclear whether female-bodied nadle existed at all, and further research is needed.

Traditional Diné view of Homosexuality, Bisexuality, Transsexuality, and Transgenderism

According to Thomas (1997), homosexual relationships are not viewed positively among Diné traditionalists and transitionalists. Such relationships are considered "inconceivable".

"Neither a relationship between a female-bodied [nadle]/masculine female and a woman nor a relationship between a male-bodied [nadle]/feminine male and a man are considered a homosexual relationship by traditional Navajo people, although each is termed "homosexual" in Western culture. Relationships between two women, two men, two female-bodied [nadle]/masculine females, or two male-bodied [nadle]/feminine males are, however, considered to be homosexual and even incestual in traditional Navajo culture. Even though a small percentage of Navajo individuals are considered to be asexual or homosexual, the majority of their relationships are culturally classified as heterosexual. A relationship between a woman and a man is obviously heterosexual, for example; likewise, a relationship between a woman and a female-bodied [nadle]/masculine female is given the same consideration and rights as a heterosexual relationship. Equally, a relationship between a man and a male-bodied [nadle]/feminine male is heterosexual"

"From my observation, it appears that only a small percentage of traditional Navajo people on the reservation who are female-bodied [nadle]/masculine females or male-bodied [nadle]/feminine males are seen by other traditional Navajos as being homosexuals. This is, again, because of Western influences. Likewise, female-bodied [nadle]/masculine females and male-bodied [nadle]/feminine males themselves do not identify with or associated themselves with homosexuality. They make a distinction between themselves and gay or lesbian Navajos. The majority of those who identify as gay or lesbian (i.e., homosexuals) have moved to urban settings. Instances of urban homosexual relationships involve women (two biological and cultural females) or men (two biological and cultural males)"

Bisexuality is also not socially sanctioned: "When we consider that the English term bisexuality means that an individual is sexually active with both women and men, and when we consider further the permissible and inappropriate sexual relations based on Navajo gender categories other than sex, bisexuality does not occur."

In general, male-to-male sex is viewed in a negative light, because "Male-to-male sex is one of the leading causes of HIV infection among men and heterosexual women."

Transgender identity (including transsexuality) is viewed as distinct from nadle. "In Navajo tradition, there is no concept of gender dysphoria; rather, as has been shown, there is a concept of gender diversity (meaning it is recognized that there are more than two genders)." (Thomas, 1997) Transgender, gay, and lesbian identity is associated with those who are contemporary, acculturated, and assimilated, not traditionalist. Granted, Thomas (1997) notes that some transitionalists self-identify with Western-derived identity labels.

Traditional Diné view of the term "Two-Spirit"

Thomas (1997) explains why the Pan-Indian term "two-spirit" should only be applied to Diné who self-identify as such: "Two-spirit is a self-label from the Native American two-spirit movement...as a generic term that would embrace Native American gays, lesbians, and transgender people who either choose not to use their Native terms or whose Native terms been forgotten. The expression is not intended to be translated into Navajo or other Native American languages. In Navajo, such a translation could be interpreted to mean a person with both a dead spirit and a living spirit—not a desirable situation."

 Thomas (1997) notes that contemporary and acculturated Diné might self-identify with the term two-spirit, but not traditionalists. Epple's (1997) nadle informants did not identify with the word "two-spirit", using the word "gay" to describe themselves instead.

Nadle and Dilbaa' as Reclaimed Identities

“The Holy People gave me a female body and a male embodiment: as mother earth and father sky”
—Carrie House

Shepherd TSOSie

In the present day, the terms nadle and dilbaa' have been reclaimed by individuals such as Carrie House and Shepherd TSOSie, who describe themselves as "fourth gendered Diné". The term "fourth gendered" corresponds with the Masculine-Female Gender, described by Thomas (1997). 

In TSOSie's words: "Dilbaa is the Diné word for a fourth-gendered person who’s biological make up is female but they live out their daily life as a male, in other words they are a Male-bodied Female.  Because colonization has made it so that myself and other Dilbaa have had to hide that side of themselves our history has also experienced erasure."

Likewise, House (2016) would rather describe himself as a "female-bodied man" or "transman" instead of a "lesbian" or "woman", writing "I am of a male gender, though accepting of my female-bodied status...Presently, I do not see myself as a lesbian/woman." 

There is some alignment between Thomas's (1997) description and the modern concept of "fourth-gendered". Although there is an association with childhood gender nonconformity, it is defined more by "social role and/or occupational preference" rather than sexual orientation. While Shepherd TSOSie is married to Libby Coyner, House (2016) describes how he has "always been attracted to both sexes". It is his role as a male, not his sexual attractions, that are repeatedly emphasized. 

Similarly, Sabine Lang (1999) collected data on "self-identified lesbian/two-spirited Native American women", where she provides the following comment from Erna Pahe on Diné (Navajo) culture:

"there is a special role that women play, too, I mean, as the bearers of the next generation. There’s a distinct position that women play within the tribe, and so even though [nadle] women [in the sense of lesbian/two-spirited, S. L.] exist, it’s of a different level. They’re mothers. I mean, like myself, I’m a mother. The first thing is you’re a child. And you become a young woman. And then you become a mother, so whether you’re a [nadle] or not, the first, before anything else, is, you are a mother…So when you speak about [nadle] women, the thing is that they’re mothers first"

Thomas (1997) would consider these as examples of "Contemporary" or "Acculturated" identification, and it is unclear whether Pahe's comments would have applied to the Masculine-Female Gender of the past, assuming it truly existed. According to Thomas (1997): "it is not culturally appropriate to use the term [nadle] for present-day Navajo persons, even though they may identify as such. It has been reclassified as a label only." That being said, there are consistencies between Lang's (1999) and House's (2016) accounts and Hill's (1935) description of the historical female-bodied nadle, where each account describes sex relations with men and women alike. It is a mistake to assume that one's status as a Masculine-Female was predicated on a sexual preference for women.

While present-day dilbaa might differ from the traditions of the past, House and TSOSie exemplify a certain strength and resilience of Diné, as described by Thomas (1997): "The Navajo world has always evolved by synthesizing traditional ideas and practices with new ones. The Navajo people are continuing to absorb new things and practices from the outside, as they have always done, without losing their identity and strength. This will continue if parents and the tribe teach the Navajo culture and tradition. Otherwise, the Navajo concept of gender and sexuality may be transposed by Western ideas and practices, something that is well on the way to happening. Preserving Navajo cultural concepts and beliefs will help keep respect for, and acceptance of, multiple genders within Navajo society. Knowing the Navajo people's acceptance might enable European-Americans to reformulate their understanding of cultural and gender identity, a value espoused by many."

References

Epple, C. (1997). A Navajo worldview and nadleehi: Implications for Western categories. In Jacobs, S. E., Thomas, W., & Lang, S. (Eds.).Two-spirit people: Native American gender identity, sexuality, and spirituality. University of Illinois Press.

Epple, C. (1998). Coming to Terms with Navajo “nádleehí”: A Critique of “berdache,” “Gay,” “Alternate Gender,” and “Two-Spirit.” American Ethnologist, 25(2), 267–290. http://www.jstor.org/stable/646695

Farrer, C. A., Jacobs, S. E., Thomas, W. T., & Lang, S. (1997). Dealing with homophobia in everyday life. In Jacobs, S. E., Thomas, W., & Lang, S. (Eds.).Two-spirit people: Native American gender identity, sexuality, and spirituality. University of Illinois Press.

Hill, W. W. (1935). The Status of the Hermaphrodite and Transvestite in Navaho Culture. American Anthropologist, 37(2), 273–279. http://www.jstor.org/stable/662263

House, C. H. (1997). Navajo Warrior Women. In Jacobs, S. E., Thomas, W., & Lang, S. (Eds.).Two-spirit people: Native American gender identity, sexuality, and spirituality. University of Illinois Press.

House, C. (2016). Blessed by the holy people. Journal of Lesbian studies, 20(3-4), 324-341.

Lang, S. (1999). Homosexuality and Gender in Native American Cultures. Female desires: Same-sex relations and transgender practices across cultures, 91.

Medicine, B. (1997). Changing Native American Sex Roles, In Jacobs, S. E., Thomas, W., & Lang, S. (Eds.).Two-spirit people: Native American gender identity, sexuality, and spirituality. University of Illinois Press.

Thomas, W. (1997). Navajo cultural constructions of gender and sexuality. In Jacobs, S. E., Thomas, W., & Lang, S. (Eds.).Two-spirit people: Native American gender identity, sexuality, and spirituality. University of Illinois Press.

Xu, Y., Norton, S., & Rahman, Q. (2021). Childhood gender nonconformity and the stability of self-reported sexual orientation from adolescence to young adulthood in a birth cohort. Developmental Psychology, 57(4), 557–569. https://doi.org/10.1037/dev0001164